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Philip Randolph, who was visiting F. Roosevelt meant that his visitors should go out and organize and demonstrate, not just expect him to wave a magic wand. The idea of permanent trench warfare between liberals and conservatives is an abstraction to them rather than a call to arms. One reason health care reform stalled in the summer of was that Tea Party forces turned up en masse at town meetings in swing districts while liberals stayed home, convinced that after electing Obama they were free to go on Miller Time. The enactment of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act of was a bad experience for certain movement liberals.

They were right about the value of a public option, but wrong to attack Obama for not obtaining it when the votes were never there in the Senate. But somewhere Ted Kennedy is smiling. Hersh, a Harvard classmate of the future senator, ignores much of his Senate career but makes good use of sources going back six decades to paint a personal portrait. Had he been vital in and able to work his charm across the aisle, senators in both parties agree, the health care debate would have been healthier.

Left unsaid is that Democrats in will face not just hostile Republicans favoring repeal but also cost controls on Medicare that will encourage conservatives to resume their pandering to the elderly, an approach long taken by liberals to retain power. Both have new books out.

He ruminates well about some of the essential differences between the American political creeds.

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True enough, but it raises the question of why attaching emotion to politics makes conservatives stronger but often weakens liberals. In the years since Presidents Kennedy and Johnson, something soft has wormed its way into the heart of liberalism, a diffidence about the cut-and-thrust of politics. Carville-style fisticuffs are satisfying, but have not yet made it a fighting faith again. But we also overstated what was possible. Especially when it comes to education. If liberalism is about practical problem solving, then establishing the high standards and accountability necessary to rescue a generation of poor minority youths and train the American work force of the future must move to the top of the progressive agenda.

Where education might offer grounds for cooperation with conservatives, foreign policy almost certainly will not. If Democrats retain control of the House, they will pressure Obama hard next year to begin withdrawing from Afghanistan as promised. Chalmers Johnson, a noted scholar of Japan , has in recent years made a point of explaining how the Afghan freedom fighters the C.

The answer to that question — and to the immediate fate of liberal ideas — depends largely on the performance of one man, the president. Jeffrey C. Liberalism, like any idea or product, can succeed only if it sells. Tell us what you think. Whereas conservatism and liberalism are both outgrowths of classical liberal thought, they differ in what they accept and reject of their intellectual roots.

Conservatism tends to accept the classical liberal commitment to economic liberty but rejects many of its applications to the noneconomic realm. Liberalism accepts the classical liberal commitment to civil liberties but largely rejects the idea of economic rights. As libertarians are wont to say, liberals want government in the boardroom but not in the bedroom. Conservatives want the reverse. Much more is involved, however, than bedrooms and boardrooms. Most liberals — at least mainstream liberals — believe you should be able to say anything you like other than yelling fire in a crowded theater , no matter how much it offends and, for the most part, no matter how seditious.

They also believe you should be able to publish almost anything as a matter of right. But they reject the idea of economic rights. Similarly, in the liberal view of the world, the butcher, the baker and the candlestick maker have no fundamental right to enter their chosen professions and sell their goods to the public. The medieval guilds that Adam Smith criticized were in this view not violating any fundamental rights when they restricted entry, controlled prices and output and imposed other monopolistic constraints.

The same principle applies to modern special interest legislation. Liberals are not advocates of special interest legislation per se. But they are apologists for it in the sense they believe that economic regulations should be decided by democratic political institutions, not by court-enforced rights to freedom of contract. So if butchers, bakers and candlestick makers succeed in obtaining special interest favors from government at the expense of everyone else, that is a legitimate exercise of political power.

Most conservatives — at least mainstream conservatives — believe in economic rights. Individuals should be able to freely sell their labor to any buyer or enter almost any profession and sell goods and services to the market as a matter of freedom of exchange. Any restrictions on these rights are justified only if there is some overriding general welfare concern. Conservatives are far more willing than liberals to restrict freedom of thought and expression, however. For example, some believe that anyone should be able to make a flag with wages and working conditions determined in a free labor market and anyone should be able to sell a flag fetching whatever price the market will bear , but they are quite willing to impose government controls on what can be done with the flag, including how it can be displayed, whether it can be worn, etc.

Is flag desecration obnoxious, reprehensible and unpatriotic? Of course. But the First Amendment was not written to protect the views of the majority. It was written to protect dissent. Many conservatives, given a free hand, would impose additional government restrictions on our noneconomic liberties. In the past, conservatives were quite willing to control the books and magazines we read, the movies we watch, etc. At the time of its founding, America was one of the few countries in the world that did not have a state religion. This was no accident or oversight. The founders themselves were a religiously diverse group.

The founders clearly did not intend to remove religion from the public square. Supreme Court has increasingly sided with the liberal view of rights over the conservative view. Throughout the 20th century, Court rulings strengthened substantive First Amendment rights, as well as procedural rights related to most noneconomic liberties.

At the same time, the Court weakened indeed, eliminated constitutional protections for substantive economic rights. As a result, you have today an almost unrestrained constitutional right to say whatever you want to say. In any attempt by government to limit your speech, the Court will start with the presumption that you are exercising your First Amendment rights and the burden of proof will be on government to show why there is a compelling public interest in restraining you.

On the other hand, you have virtually no constitutionally protected rights to acquire and own property or engage in voluntary exchange. The distinction between economic and civil liberties actually has its roots in philosophy. It rests on an idea that goes all the way back to Plato. Whether the distinction is between consciousness and reality, mind and body, mental and physical, spiritual and material, etc.

And following Plato, they have all believed that the world of thought is somehow more important, more moral, and more pure than the world of everyday affairs, and certainly more so than the world of commerce. What follows from that distinction? Actually not very much. One could argue as liberals do that unimpeded thought and the benefits that flow from it are too important to be left to politicians to regulate the way they regulate commodities.

Or one could argue as conservatives do that culture and mores and the ideas that nurture and support them are too important to be left to the vagaries of a laissez faire market for ideas. Just as there are externalities in the world of commerce, so there are externalities in the world of ideas. Just as public goods exist in the economy, so there are public-good type ideas in the culture. For every argument against a laissez faire economy, there is an equally persuasive argument against laissez faire cultures, laissez faire mores and a completely free market for ideas.

Or if the case for government intervention is stronger in one realm than in the other it is not clear where the stronger case lies. This helps us understand why consistent classical liberalism makes no distinction between freedom of thought and freedom of commerce.

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Both are subsumed under the general notion that people have a right to pursue their own happiness in any realm. Any attempt to argue for differential rights fails on close examination. Yet these very same pundits would recoil in horror at the idea of a law which prevents people from being authors, playwrights and artists unless they can produce a minimum annual income. On what basis can one argue for economic freedom for musicians, painters and novelists while denying it to everyone else?

There is no basis. There is an even more fundamental problem with applying Platonic distinctions to politics. Although in theory we can separate mind and body, spiritual and material, etc. Freedom of speech is a meaningless right without the economic right to acquire space, buy a megaphone and invite others to hear your message. Freedom of press is a meaningless right if one does not have the economic right to buy paper, ink and printing presses.

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  5. Freedom of association is a meaningless right if one cannot own property or rent property or otherwise acquire the right to use the premises where a group can assemble. Russian law requires that each candidate be endorsed at a meeting of at least citizens. Unable to acquire the economic right to exercise his political right, Kasparov was forced to withdraw from the race.

    Classical liberals were reformers. Throughout the 19th century, they reformed economic and civil institutions — abolishing slavery, extending the right to vote to blacks and eventually to women, expanding the protections of the Bill of Rights to state and local governments and creating a largely free market economy. As the last century grew to a close it became obvious all over the world that economic collectivism did not work.

    So in the economic realm the great need was to privatize, deregulate, and empower individual citizens. The natural people to lead this reformation were conservatives, who profess belief in the goals. Yet conservatives lacked in the needed skills, having spent the better part of a century on defense. This may explain why so often needed reforms have been implemented in other countries by parties of the left.

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    Even in the United States, the effort to deregulate our most oppressive regulatory agencies began under President Jimmy Carter and had the support of such liberal stalwarts as Sen. Ted Kennedy. Not all liberals think alike. Nor do all conservatives. Two strands of these sociologies deserve special attention, particularly in light of the contrast with classical liberalism.

    Download PDF Culture Killers: How Liberals are Killing Conservative Culture

    A variation of modern liberalism is popular among faculties at college campuses. Its adherents reject not only the idea of individual economic rights, but also the idea of individual rights as such.

    Instead, they believe that people enjoy rights and incur obligations as members of groups. On this view, a black American should enjoy rights that are denied to white Americans — not because of some injury or harm one has done to the other or because of some contract, but merely because one is black and one is white.

    Similarly, Native American Indians should have rights that a black does not have. A woman should have rights that a man does not have. Adherents of this view believe there is no such thing as an individual right to freedom of speech or expression or association. What rights or privileges you have depend on what group you are a member of, and the state may properly enforce such distinctions. For example, speech that is permissible if the speaker is black might be actionable if the speaker were white, Asian or Hispanic, depending on how the speech affects the sensibilities of other blacks.

    Or if blacks or Hispanics, say, form groups and exclude others, that is generally permissible; but the same actions by a group of whites or any of the European ethnic groups would probably be proscribed.

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    Assigning rights and responsibilities to groups rather than individuals is at the heart of collectivism. Political correctness is a sort of barnyard version of collectivism. In this sense, the type of liberalism that is popular on college campuses is far more consistent than mainstream liberalism. This version of liberalism rejects individualism as such.

    Such consistency, however, exists only in the abstract. In practice, politically correct liberalism is anything but consistent. Yet among the black students at Harvard University all of whom presumably qualify for racial preferences , only one-third are unambiguous descendants of slaves. More than half are immigrants! Commenting on The Irish Times has changed. To comment you must now be an Irish Times subscriber.

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